January 20 was a turning point for the entire world: The day that Donald Trump moved back into the White House marked a significant change in the course of global politics.
Within a few months, Trump had introduced punitive tariffs and restrictive visa policies, had withdrawn the US from major international structures such as the Paris climate agreement and the World Health Organization (WHO), and had dismantled most of the work of US development agency, USAID.
The message that the US remains the world's foremost superpower was heard loud and clear. But to what extent can Washington dictate its terms to the rest of the globe?
Despite all the turmoil Trump's policies caused around the world, the impact of the his tariffs on everyday life in African countries was limited, according to Ovigwe Eguegu, an analyst working for the independent consulting firm Development Reimagined.
"The continent is still on the right track. Africa does not have a large export market for processed products to the US. Only raw materials such as oil, gas, critical raw materials and metals are exported," Eguegu explained, stressing that often there are no tariffs levied at all for those exports.
Even when the AGOA trade agreement expired at the end of September, which had the intention of fostering growth and opportunity between the US and African countries, the reaction on the continent was quite muted.
The hardest-hit African countries by Trump's policies were Lesotho, which for years has been manufacturing denim for the US market and now has to pay 50% in tariffs, and car exporter South Africa, which faces a 30% tariff hike.
South Africa's relations with Washington grew particularly sour over the course of 2025. Two weeks into his presidency, Trump announced that "terrible things" were happening to white farmers in the country, referring to alleged massacres of the country's white minority, in particular farmers.
While violent crime rates remain high throughout South Africa, claims of targeted killings against white farmers orchestrated by the government have repeatedly been debunked — not enough for the US leader though.
Pretoria was further upset when, soon thereafter, Trump started granting fast-track political asylum to a group of white South African farmers , which cast South Africa in a bad light the year it took over the rotating chairmanship of the G20.
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When the country finally got around to hosting the first G20 summit on African soil in November, the US president and his administration refused to attend;. Trump has continued to single out South Africa as his pariah state of choice, going as far as not extending an invitation to the country to come to the next G20 summit, due to be held in Miami next year.
Still the G20 summit in Johannesburg was a success, says Noncedo Vutula, a researcher at the Nelson Mandela School of Public Governance. "The discussions were rich and took into account all the different points of view that had been debated in the run-up to the summit," Vutula told DW.
For South Africa, it was particularly gratifying that a joint summit declaration committed the G20 to multilateralism — much to the ire of Washington, which had tried to prevent a declaration from being formulated without US participation.
The declaration of intent also expressed a commitment to further strengthening "Africa's voice in the G20 and all other international forums."
The symbolic power of such a declaration of intent, placing Africa firmly on the world stage, cannot be underestimated for a continent that has been striving for decades to emerge from the shadow of its colonial past.
It set the stage for the African Union-European Union summit which was held just days later in the Angolan capital Luanda. As host of the event, President Joao Lourenco doubled down on the G20 message, saying that "the world does not consist of just one or two countries. We work with anyone who is open to us," and firmly casting Africa as the maker of its own destiny.
At the meeting in Luanda, Africa's European partners reaffirmed their support for major infrastructure projects — such as further improving the Lobito Corridor in Angola, a major economic route that connects the Port of Lobito to the DRC and Zambia. This was seen as a further sign that European nations and other partners are beginning to realize that they cannot dictate one-sided terms to the continent.
"What is needed is a dynamic in which cooperation is structured to benefit both sides," said Eguegu, adding that due to centuries of shared history, Europe remains a desirable partner for many African countries.
However, he also highlighted that there is some competition, that Europe has to catch up to, as African nations are still expanding their relations with China, Russia and smaller players such as Turkey and the United Arab Emirates.
This became even more apparent at the AU-EU summit. While those talks were taking place, China concluded another billion-dollar agreement with Zambia to expand the East African rail network, showing that Beijing is ready to compete with the planned infrastructure upgrades on the Lobito Corridor.
However 2025 was not a year of success in all corners of the continent. Africa's role in the world continues to be dampened by major crises and conflicts, such as the civil war in Sudan, which is now well into its third year, and tensions in eastern Congo, which continue despite multiple international mediation efforts — including those spearhaded by the US.
In addition, there are now eight African countries currently under military rule, with little to no prospect of a return to democracy. In 2025, Madagascar and Guinea-Bissau were added to the list of African countries, where coups and subsequent junta leaderships made the future uncertain for citizens, observers and investors alike.
A more peaceful Africa would contribute significantly to overall economic development, says researcher Vutula, while Eguegu argues that part of the problem is the fact that Africa remains dependent on the influence of foreign powers to this day.
"That is the political reality of weak states. Because the continent is full of weak states, and weak states have neither the capacity nor the political experience [to succeed]," he says. "Their national circumstances make them vulnerable to external influences," he explained, arguing that this is why across so many parts of the continent, militaries have opted to dictate the future direction of their respective countries instead.
Many African countries, meanwhile, are also still being held back in their economic development due to high levels of national debt on their balance sheets, especially in low-income countries.
This was also recognized during the G20 meeting with the summit declaration noting "with concern that interest payments on total external debt have increased significantly and more than doubled for low-income countries over the past decade."
Noncedo Vutula believes that the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) could serve as a pathway to greater economic independence, emphasizing that while most African countries have already ratified the agreement, there are still some challenges to overcome.
"It gives Africa hope that we can trade with each other. We can build regional value chains in Africa and ensure that Africa's economies develop," she told DW, adding that Africa has to go beyond its continental borders and reach out to other nations and regions in the Global South to make progress together.