From memes to movements: How 2025 became the year of political awakening for Gen Z

It was all brewing in quiet frustration before it turned into a full-blown “we’re done” moment. Across the world in 2025, Generation Z, popularly called Gen Z, stopped doom-scrolling and decided to “touch grass”, politically.

What began as side-eyeing governments for being “pompous in power” escalated into calling them out, loudly and publicly. From campus corridors to capital streets, the Gen Z, largely mistaken as the “nonchalants,” made it clear they were no longer willing to cope, stay low-key, or wait their turn. This was not "performative" outrage or a fleeting trend. It was a generational shift from vibes to voice, from memes to mobilisation. In a year marked by economic stress, shrinking opportunities, trust deficits and changing governments, young people across continents chose to show up, log off selectively, and demand accountability in real life. 2025, in effect, became the year Gen Z disrupted the power structures - and sometimes with a rizz!The Nepali Gen Z’s ‘vidroh’ In the Himalayan nation, the rupture was dramatic, but not sudden. Protests that began over corruption allegations and restrictions on digital freedoms escalated into a full-blown political crisis by September. Student groups, first-time voters and unemployed graduates formed the backbone of the demonstrations, which were also triggered by the affluent lifestyle of netas’ kids in Nepal.

Like any other protest, which ultimately topples the government, the intensity and symbolism made Nepal’s protest distinguished as protesters did not confine themselves to rallies. They marched towards the legislature, arguing that formal politics had shut them out. Clashes with security forces left dozens dead and many injured, leaving the Gen Z with a sense of spite, which snowballed into nationwide “virodh” against the incompetent Communist government.

The pressure proved unsustainable for the political establishment. The resignation of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli marked one of the most direct instances in 2025 where a youth-driven mobilisation precipitated a change at the top within 48 hours. While Nepal’s political instability predates Gen Z, the year left an imprint that a new generation was no longer content with inherited dysfunction.While the video compilation of the September 2025 protests in Kathmandu largely captured scenes of chaos and confrontation, it also preserved moments that revealed the distinctly Gen Z way of protesting. Amid burning vehicles, police charges and running crowds, young protesters were repeatedly seen pulling out smartphones to film reels and short videos. Even while fleeing tear gas or standing near clashes, many paused to smile, wave or strike poses, turning high-stress moments into instantly shareable content.

The footage also showed groups breaking into spontaneous dances. Young protesters jumped, swayed and performed TikTok-style moves, briefly transforming protest sites into spaces of rhythm and release.

These moments reflected how Gen Z blended seriousness with play, using music and movement to energise both the street and their online audiences.Playful posing appeared throughout the clip. Protesters leapt into the air, raised their arms in triumph or huddled together for selfies. Some even struck the iconic arms-wide stance popularised by Shah Rukh Khan, adding Bollywood-style drama. Together, these scenes turned the protests into a mix of resistance, creativity and viral spectacle.

'Gösteri' in TurkeyTurkey saw a series of protests with strong Gen Z participation, particularly in major cities such as Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir. While the protests were sporadic rather than nationwide, they reflected mounting frustration among young people over economic pressures, limited job prospects and a shrinking civic space. University campuses and nearby public areas were key sites of the mobilisation.The demonstrations were driven largely by everyday concerns of the common citizens. High inflation, rising rents, youth unemployment and grievances over university governance featured prominently in slogans and placards.

Leading from the front were the students and young graduates formed the bulk of demonstrators, many taking part in protests for the first time. The mobilisation relied heavily on social media and informal networks, with little central leadership.The protests also drew global attention for their visual symbolism as photos of demonstrators dressed as Pikachu and Batman during clashes with police went viral, amplifying the protests beyond Turkey.The viral video showed tumultuous scenes in Turkey's streets, where protesters were seen running from the police. One particular demonstrator, dressed in an inflatable Pokemon costume, was seen attempting to escape.The person wearing a Pikachu costume joined numerous demonstrators in Istanbul, protesting against the detention of Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu, who is a significant opponent of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

The demonstrations sparked global concerns regarding Turkey's democratic decline, affecting financial markets and requiring central bank action to support the lira. Despite official suppression and government labelling of protests as "street terror," public resistance revealed growing societal fractures in Turkey.While the movement did not coalesce into a single national campaign, the episodes highlighted a shift among Gen Z, which increasingly moved from online expression to street-level political action.Madagascar’s ‘Mila rafitra vaovao’In Madagascar, the trigger was basic survival. Chronic water shortages, power cuts and inflation had eroded patience, especially among urban youth. Gen Z activists, many of them students or underemployed graduates, used social media platforms to coordinate protests that quickly spread beyond the capital.

Unlike earlier opposition movements, these demonstrations had no singular leader or party affiliation. The protest built up through encrypted messaging groups and viral posts.Protesters framed their anger not as ideological rebellion but as a response to everyday deprivation. As demonstrations grew intense, the government was forced into concessions and cabinet reshuffles.

While the state did not collapse, the protests compelled authorities to acknowledge the Gen Z (largely the youths) grievances publicly, marking a shift in how political legitimacy is negotiated in the country. ‘Ihtijaj’ in MoroccoMorocco witnessed the protests that were quieter but persistent. Young Moroccans mobilised under the banner informally dubbed “Gen Z 212” with demands for better access to healthcare, education and employment. Though the movement avoided frontal confrontation with the monarchy, it targeted governance failures and social inequality. Demonstrations unfolded across cities, often coordinated online and deliberately decentralised.

Participants adopted a method of peaceful protest and pitched issue-based demands rather than regime change. However, the approach reflected a pragmatic understanding of political limits while still pushing for reform. The state response combined restraint and selective engagement, announcing limited policy adjustments. While structural change remains uncertain, 2025 demonstrated that Moroccan youth had developed the confidence and organisational capacity to articulate collective demands.

Latin America ‘protesto’Gen Z in Peru emerged as a visible force amid recurring political instability. Protests against economic mismanagement, corruption and proposed pension reforms drew thousands of young demonstrators into Lima’s streets. Many had little attachment to established parties, viewing them as interchangeable custodians of dysfunction. Their protests blended traditional street mobilisation with online campaigns that amplified images of police crackdowns and parliamentary gridlock.

Further south, in Paraguay, youth-led demonstrations intersected with indigenous movements opposing controversial policy decisions. The alliance proved effective.

Authorities, faced with sustained pressure, rolled back some measures and dismissed officials, delivering concrete wins that reinforced faith in collective action.In Mexico, Gen Z activism took a distinctly democratic turn. Thousands of people marched through the streets of Mexico City to protest against drug violence and the security policies of President Claudia Sheinbaum’s government.

The demonstration was organised on social media by representatives of "Generation Z".

Large marches in November focused on electoral transparency, institutional autonomy and public security. Many participants were voting for the first time or preparing to do so. The protests stood out for their symbolism.The protestors prominently carried black flags bearing the Jolly Roger emblem from the popular Japanese manga and anime series One Piece -- a grinning skull and crossbones topped with a straw hat, representing the Straw Hat Pirates led by Monkey D.

Luffy. One protester in the foreground wears a face mask printed with the same skull design, pulled down around their neck, and another has a headband with similar motifs.People wore rooster costumes to protest after Mexico City’s congress voted to ban traditional bullfights and replace them with a new form of bloodless spectacle, marking the latest episode in a years-long legal battle to outlaw the practice in the capital.

Pop culture references, banners borrowed from anime and digital memes became tools of mobilisation, helping the movement resonate beyond traditional activist circles. While the government dismissed calls for recall mechanisms, the demonstrations signalled that young Mexicans were re-engaging with democratic institutions rather than retreating from them.Gen Z's participation in Argentia was visible in protests sparked by President Javier Milei’s sweeping austerity measures.

Young people joined demonstrations against sharp cuts to public spending, reductions in subsidies and reforms that hit education, transport and welfare.

With inflation continuing to erode incomes and job prospects narrowing, students and young workers took to the streets in major cities, arguing that the burden of economic adjustment was being shifted disproportionately onto younger generations.‘Manifestasaun’ in Timor-LesteTimor-Leste is led by a political leadership that is significantly older than both the country’s youthful population and the global average age of world leaders.

The president and prime minister are both in their seventies, and there is little sign of power being passed on.This generational gap is stark. Nearly three-quarters of Timor-Leste’s population is under the age of 35, yet job opportunities at home remain limited. With few prospects locally, many young Timorese are left with little choice but to seek work overseas.Student-led protests in Timor-Leste erupted after lawmakers approved plans to purchase luxury vehicles and retain generous lifetime benefits.

The demonstrations were brief but focused in a small nation that offered one of 2025’s clearest examples of youth influence.

Within days, parliament reversed the decision and scrapped the vehicle purchase and pension provisions. For Gen Z activists, the episode reinforced a powerful lesson that targeted pressure could still yield results, even in young democracies.An Awakening A common thread across borders despite differences in context, the Gen Z movements of 2025 shared striking similarities.

They were largely decentralised, digitally organised and sceptical of charismatic leadership. Economic insecurity loomed large, whether expressed through unemployment, inflation or declining public services.Unlike earlier youth movements, these protests were less driven by ideology and more by lived experience. Many participants framed their demands in practical terms: affordable education, accountable governance, and the right to shape policies that will define their adulthood.Equally notable was the absence of long-term organisational structures. While this made movements agile, it also raised questions about sustainability. Few transitioned into formal political platforms by year’s end. By December, the surge of Gen Z activism had not produced a single agenda or a lasting leadership structure. That, however, was never the real measure of its impact. What 2025 showed was that a generation often written off as disengaged had finally decided to show up.Across countries, young people discovered that turning up in person still mattered. That streets were not obsolete. That collective action could still unsettle systems that had grown comfortable with doing nothing. The protests were uneven and at times chaotic. They also came with real costs.What is certain is that 2025 ended with Gen Z no longer content to stay on the sidelines. They stopped being dismissed as a generation that only falls for rage bait and proved, inconveniently, that they could organise, mobilise and show up in public life. Governments around the world took notice.